The current discussion seems to ignore the direct comparisons of the intricate relationships between print and broadsheet in the Early Modern that Wenzel explores in this essay. He is able to show that the assumption that hypertext and print production are polar opposites must be set aside as a myth, or at least it must be significantly adjusted. In other words, handwritten newspapers represent a first step in the evolution of printed newspapers.
Moreover, over the period of two centuries, handwritten and printed media cooexisted but also competed with each other for readership.
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This competition significantly influenced the production and consumption of early newspapers, demonstrating that handwritten newspapers were an important component in the system of early modern news communication and print markets. Reports about theatre productions, quotations from such reports, and shared techniques of the presentation of text and image all point to such influences.
This essay demonstrates, in the first part, the close relationship of broadsheet and drama; in the second part Schilling explicates the reasons behind such a close affinity. These are located in the dynamic of shared authorship, in market forces, in the theatrical way in which images are distributed, and finally, in the effect of the theatrum metaphor on the reception of both media.
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Volker Bauer demonstrates how such news was combined with genealogical information in order to foster the understanding of genealogy among the readership. Such information tended to increase the interest and thus the number of readers in the late 17th century. This use of genealogical information concerned primarily universal genealogies, that is, those familial forms of information that reached beyond and across genealogical and dynastic lines.
Such fusing of genealogical and dynastic information can be shown to have appeared in about seventy documents between and This means that by the end of the 17th century, a special type of publication evolved that satisfied the needs of a specific readership — those for whom knowledge about politics and relationships among states and dynasties was of paramount importance.
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Print media in the 17th century grew exponentially with the news about the Great War that devastated Europe. She finds that some reports represent an image relatively close to the object, the Queen, whereas others lack such closeness and tend toward sensationalizing and even scandalizing her life and times.
It also appears that the story of the Queen was told differently in periodical and non-periodical print media. By paying close attention to the play and its contexts, Joseph Loewenstein aims to correct the error of too closely linking the early modern interest in news with the development of print culture.
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Indeed, insofar as the play addresses how early modern individuals might come to imagine their own publicity, might fantasize their life-stories as public information, The Staple of News documents crucial developments in the discursive history of self-possessive individualism.
Characterized by the will to gather and update information and by a preoccupation with risk, these novels project investment in human reflection through narrative fiction, a fiction that relies heavily on the prolixity of male characters. As the essay demonstrates, with the re-ordering and re-presentation through fiction of what was once news, these works offer themselves as bulwarks against the transitoriness, fragmentation, and chaotic accumulation of the periodic reporting of ephemeral newspapers. This information is braided into fascinating romances featuring love and passion, crossdressing and gender-bending, sex and violence.
The eventual happi- Daphnis 37 10 ness of the deserving couples provides the patient reader both entertainment and instruction. We hope that these essays will provide instructive and maybe even inspiring reading to scholars and students of the early modern European print culture. Louis for their generous financial and logistical support. We are grateful to Professor Dr. Finally, our special appreciation and gratitude go to Dr.
Carol Jenkins for her excellent and professional editorial support. See also Schrift und Schriftlichkeit. Berlin ; Lesen und Schreiben in Europa, Basel New evidence is presented here confirming the existence of a previously unknown fifth written account perhaps a broadside from around ? In the autumn of a series of printed pamphlets recounting the gruesome deeds of Vlad III of Wallachia — otherwise known as Vlad Dracula — began to appear in the wealthy merchant cities of Bavaria, Franconia, Saxony and Elsace. The first of these was printed in Nuremberg on October 14, , with a second edition, pirated by a different Offizin in Nuremberg, appearing in the final months of that year.
Typical features include a brief title and woodcut illustration — often a portrait of Vlad Dracula see image 1 , although some editions show Vlad 1 See Dieter Harmening: Der Anfang von Dracula. Zur Geschichte von Geschichten. For complete codicological details see Appendix 1: Editions of Dracole Wayda below.
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Daphnis 37 12 William Layher seated at a table before a backdrop of impaled victims. The pamphlets open with a thumbnail biography of Vlad III and his rise to power in Wallachia in , but the majority of the text is devoted to a numbingly repetitive account of the repertoire of atrocities Vlad was said to have committed during his reign — episodes of impalement, beheading, boiling alive, forced cannibalism, the amputation of breasts, the disembowelment of women, and more. All in all, the text known as Dracole Wayda features some forty-six different scenes of cruelty, torture and murder.
Despite compendious and unfortunately not always rigorous research into the historical Dracula2 and the late-medieval and early modern sources on his life, the sudden appearance of these pamphlets in Germany in — twelve years after the prince of Wallachia had died — has never been satisfactorily explained. Why then? Why Nuremberg? Why Dracula? The goal of this essay is to offer some new insights into the transmission of the Dracula texts before , into their historical context, and to explore the affinities between Dracole Wayda and other late-medieval prints that engage with the image of the Other.
Historical Context Vlad III of Wallachia was for much of medieval Europe in the years around known not as a bloodthirsty villain, but instead as a hero: a valiant defender of the Faith against the marauding Turkish armies and a renowned military commander whose campaign along the Eastern border of the Christian realm saved Europe in its hour of need. Indeed, the need was great, for Christendom was in dire need of a champion.
For over a hundred years, beginning in the 2 The authoritative work on the subject is Harmening: Der Anfang von Dracula fn. McNally: Dracula. A Biography of Vlad the Impaler, His Life and His Times. Boston ; Stefan Andreescu: Vlad the Impaler. Bucharest Daphnis 37 Horrors of the East 13 latter part of the 14th century, Europe had witnessed the steady advance of the Ottoman Turks toward the West. In the city of Adrianople fell to Sultan Murad I, in Serbia was defeated in the first battle at Kosovo, and in Bulgaria and Wallachia fell to the Turks and became vassal states.
A key Turkish victory at Nicopolis in sent forces loyal to Kaiser Sigismund scurrying back to Europe, while in Constantinople was besieged but not conquered.
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In there were Turkish raids in Carinthia and Styria, and saw the second battle of Kosovo, another defeat for the West that left the kingdom of Hungary in a perilous position. And then, in , came the fall of Constantinople and the end of the Byzantine empire, an almost unthinkable disaster for a fortified city that had stood since the 7th century.
The onslaught of the Turkish forces, approaching from the East, seemed unstoppable; in the opinion of one seasoned commentator of the time, the Turks were indeed invincible, insuperabiles vires. One the one hand, Vlad proved himself as a valiant defender of the Christian faith in battle against the Turkish armies, but on the other hand, his cruel, even sadistic reprisals against his own peoples had made him an unpalatable and unreliable ally.
Horrors of the East The East has long been an object of fascination for the medieval West. Jerusalem, the holy city, lay in the East, as did the Garden of Eden — but further still, towards the rising sun, were the realms of India and Cathay, the kingdom of Prester John: all of them filled with natural wonders, exotic spices and riches beyond calculation. It is in these corners of the world that one also finds the monstrous races celebrated in Greek and Roman historiography and in the natural histories of the Middle Ages — the dog-headed cynocephali, 3 Johannes Helmrath: Pius II.
Daphnis 37 14 William Layher one-footed sciopods, headless blemmyii, and other creatures likewise extravagantly deformed and eminently fascinating. Although the Turks of the 15th century, just as the Saracens of an earlier time, were not considered monstrous in a physiological sense, many in the West regarded them as an Other of great and terrible significance — most especially, perhaps, because the Turkish encroachments of the 15th century, which were understood to be the fulfillment of age-old prophecy, seemed to be unstoppable.
A Study in the History of Monsters. In: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 , pp.
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In: Marvels, Monsters and Miracles. Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations. Timothy S. Jones and David A. Kalamazoo , pp. New York, London Paradigmatic in this regard is the Tractatus quidam de Turcis Nuremberg: Konrad Zeninger, , which argues that the tribulations afflictio the Church is suffering at the hands of the Turkish empire are a sign that the end times were poised to arrive. Augsburg: Anton Sorg , 33r, 38r.
The magnitude of Turkish atrocities8 and their disdain for the protection of innocents were topics that were often discussed at the Reichstage convened in Germany following the fall of Constantinople in Helmrath fn. See, for example, the 15th-century Epistola de crudelitate tholomeus de Jano. In: J. Migne: Patrologiae cursus graeca.
Paris , Vol. In: Europa und die osmanische Daphnis 37 Turcarum of Barcompletus. Vlad II received the surname Dracul in , when he was inducted by emperor Sigismund into the prestigious Order of the Dragon, a military order tasked with defending the West against the Ottoman empire. From the Latin term draco comes the Romanian locution Dracul, with the diminutive expressed by the term Draculea — the surname that eventually became attached to Vlad III. Wallachia and its ruling family was thus caught between the press of opposing forces — on the East, a surging Turkish army under Murad II, and on the West a restless and expansionist Hungary.
The tension could not hold, and in the fortunes of the Wallachian dynasty fell. Although the father was soon released and restored to the throne of Wallachia, his two boys remained in Turkish captivity, to ensure that the father remained compliant. During his captivity Vlad III was said to have learned Turkish, he was educated in the Koran and military tactics, and he made close acquaintance with the Turkish prince who would later become 10 11 gehenden Mittelalter.
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